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Professor, Koc University, Istanbul, Turkey

The value of children (VOC) is a social psychological construct referring to the values attributed to children by parents. As such, they reflect the motivations underlying child bearing and child rearing. Commonly they refer to the perceived benefits of having children compared with being childless. Perceived costs or disadvantages of having children are also construed to be important motivations counteracting their perceived benefits.

Thus, VOC shows why people have children and what they want from children. Such basic questions are influenced by the conditions in which people live and, in turn, influence their child bearing behavior. As such, VOC is a psychological level variable which mediates between the background social psychological variables and fertility.

The Value of Children Study

Different values are attributed to the child in different socioeconomic contexts, and these values are differentially related to the outcome variable of child bearing. I would like to refer briefly to the Value of Children Study, which was a nine-country comparative study of motivations for child bearing, which provides us with a more complex model of the relationships involved. The VOC Study was conducted in Indonesia, Germany, Korea, the Philippines, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand, Turkey, and the United States, with a total of 20,000 married people, mostly women.^1-9

The several values attributed to children by parents could be grouped under three main value types: utilitarian, psychological, and social values. Utilitarian values have to do basically with the economic-material benefits of children, both while they are young and when they grow up to be adults. Of special significance here is the old-age security adult offspring provide to their elderly parents. Psychological values have to do with such satisfactions as the joy, pride, love, and companionship that children provide to their parents. And social values of children refer to general social acceptance that married adults gain when they have children, in the sense that especially in traditional society people are considered to be adults when they have children, not necessarily when they get married. Continuation of the family name or family line is also a social value of children, focused on the son.

Of these three main types of values, economic-utilitarian, psychological values, and specifically son preference emerged as important in their differential relationships with background and outcome variables. In particular, it was found that the utilitarian-economic VOC, and in particular old-age security value of children, was stronger in less-developed countries. This is because in the context of poverty and lack of social security systems, children's economic contribution to the family is very important. Children contribute to family economy while they are young, and in old age, elderly parents depend on their children for their livelihood. Furthermore, the greater salience of the economic-utilitarian VOC is associated with greater son preference because it is mainly the son who provides the parents with economic support in old age in patriarchal family systems.^9,10

In contrast, psychological VOC is found to be more salient in the context of greater affluence and urban lifestyles. This is because here children are no longer economic assets; they are, indeed, quite costly. In relative terms, psychological value thus emerges as an important reason for having a child, since it does not make economic sense to have children and yet people want to have children anyway.

The economic-utilitarian VOC is positively associated with fertility (child numbers), but psychological VOC is not. Thus, in the Turkish VOC Study, psychological VOC and parity (number of existing children) were found to correlate negatively (r = -.26), but economic VOC and parity correlate positively (r = .24).⁷ This is because the material contribution of children (while young and as an adult) can add up and thus increase with child numbers, but the psychological satisfaction children provide does not add up in the same way. For example, parents can get all the love they need from one or two children without the need to have more. In other words, economic VOC is cumulative with child numbers, but psychological VOC is not.

Thus, in the Turkish VOC Study, women who had two children wanted to have more children if economic VOC was important to them, but they did not want more children if psychological VOC was important to them.⁷ Similarly, in a comparative analysis of data from eight VOC countries, Bulatao^1,2 found that women with five or more children and not using contraception stressed the economic VOC more than women with two or fewer children using contraception, the differences being quite large (some exceeding 30 percentage points).

Son preference is also closely associated with fertility, because high fertility assures that at least some sons survive (e.g., Darroch, et al.³). Thus, the mediating role of VOCs between background socioeconomic variables and outcome variable emerge (see Fig. 1).

Fig. 1. A mediational model involving VOCs.

VOC Study results showed that VOCs helped explain some of the variance in fertility outcome even when socioeconomic background variables were controlled. Indeed, analyses of the cross-cultural VOC Study results^1,2 provided substantial evidence for the predictive validity of attitude and value assessment in the study of fertility. Similarly, using a different database (that from 10 countries in the World Fertility Survey), Palmore and Conception¹¹ found that motivational and attitudinal variables may be as closely related to fertility behavior as the less controversial background variables. [The World Fertility Survey was conducted in a total of 62 countries, using nationally representative samples. The ten countries included in Palmore and Conception's study were Bangladesh, Indonesia, Korea, Nepal, Pakistan, Panama, Peru, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, and Thailand.]

The value of children for parents is a key variable in understanding some important human phenomena. Among these are the place of the child in family and society; family dynamics and functioning; fertility; and gender issues.

The Place of the Child in Family and Society, Family Functioning, and Fertility

As discussed above, in socioeconomic contexts where children's actual material contribution to the family livelihood is significant, utilitarian-economic values are attributed to the child. This is the type of family which is characterized by material interdependencies between generations. Thus children, when they are young, are expected to be dependent on their parents, this dependency to be reversed later on as the dependency of the elderly parents on their grown-up offspring.^12,10 This family model of total interdependence is widespread in less developed and rural economies.

Independence of the growing child is not valued in the family model of interdependence because an independent child may grow up to look after his own self interests rather than uphold the family's interests. Thus, in child rearing, there is strict discipline and obedience orientation. For example, in the Turkish VOC Study, while 60% of the respondents endorsed obedience as one of the two most valued child characteristics, only 18% endorsed self-reliance as such. Thus, VOCs affect child rearing values and orientations, as well.

In the Turkish VOC Study, a woman's intrafamily status was measured by an index involving communication, joint decision-making, and role sharing between spouses. It was found that a woman's intrafamily status is associated negatively with economic-utilitarian VOC, with son preference, and expectations of financial help from children in the future. Thus, in contexts where a woman's status is low, her dependence on her children, especially on her sons, is high. Similarly, increased role-sharing between spouses was found to be negatively associated with son preference in men.

With socioeconomic development, spouses' role relations become more egalitarian, and both economic-utilitarian VOC and son preference decline. Changes in lifestyles (especially rural to urban mobility), increased education, and social security systems have decreased the need to depend on the family for one's livelihood. Thus, important changes occur with socioeconomic development in intrafamily dynamics and VOCs. The opposite pattern -- characterized by low woman status, strong economic VOC, and strong son preference -- is also associated with high fertility. In this sense, family dynamics and functioning are closely interwoven with orientations toward children, VOCs, fertility, and gender roles.

Gender Preference

I have already referred to the relations between a woman's intrafamily status, VOCs, son preference, and fertility. Of even more relevance to an understanding of gender issues are the specific values and orientations regarding sons and daughters, obtained from the Turkish VOC Study. Later work has also confirmed the earlier findings.

In the VOC Study, reasons for wanting a son or a daughter were asked as an open-ended question (Table 1). As is apparent from this Table, reasons for wanting a son are more varied than those for wanting a daughter. In other words, sons are wanted for several reasons showing that they satisfy many needs, particularly (in order):

• Financial and practical help while young.
• Old age security.
• Carrying on the family name (especially important for fathers).
• Companionship and love (important for mothers).
• Religious and social obligations (important for fathers).

Girls, on the other hand, are wanted mainly for companionship and love (especially important for mothers) and for household help. The frequency with which the companionship value of a daughter is mentioned by the respondents reflects the importance of the emotional support function of daughters for mothers. Such support from daughters and from other close female relatives and friends may help women endure their subordinate status and hard work within the traditional family.¹³

These findings show that different values are attributed to sons and daughters and that the economic value of sons is particularly important. Given that sons are wanted because of the variety and importance of functions they serve for their parents and families, sons are wanted more than daughters. Indeed, using a forced choice unfolding technique,¹⁴ son preference was found to be 84%, compared with only 16% daughter preference. Son preference was more marked for men (92.5%) than for women (75%). [The percentage for men was similar to those in Korea and Taiwan (92% and 95%, respectively), reflecting similar patriarchal cultural values.]

More specific questions about expectations of help from sons and daughters in the future confirm further the greater reliance on sons (Table 2). For every type of future material help sons are seen to be more reliable sources of future support. This is because, first of all, men are the main bread-earners, and secondly, given the patriarchal ideology, it is socially acceptable to depend on one's son in old age, but degrading to have to depend on one's son-in-law. Daughters are of greater help only in household tasks, which is of much less importance.

	SONS				DAUGHTERS
	Women		Men		Women		Men
Expectation	Yes	No	Yes	No	Yes	No	Yes	No
Give part of their salary to you when they begin working	77	23	67	33	60	40	26	74
Help support their brothers and sisters through school	87	13	87	13	76	24	67	33
Contribute money in family emergencies	95	5	88	12	85	15	62	38
Help with housework	65	35	80	20	94	6	91	9
Support you financially when you grow old	93	7	88	12	80	20	67	33

Another question concerned life values and the relative contributions of sons and daughters to the attainment of these life values. As is apparent from Table 3, clear differences appeared as expected for such values as having financial security and to carry on the family name, having sons contributing to the attainment of these values much more than having daughters. However, unexpectedly, having sons was found to contribute more to other values also. This is the case for having a happy home and to being accepted by others, for both men and women. Of even greater interest is women considering having a son as contributing more to being close to their spouses! These responses reflect subtle but strong gender preferences in children.

Note: Parentheses indicate n<50.

Finally, a question was posed about the characteristics respondents wanted to see in their children when they grew up. The responses indicated different aspirations for sons and daughters. Being "loyal" was stressed more for sons. This is a utilitarian value, as it benefits the parents rather than the children and reflects a dependence on sons for old age security. Being a "good spouse and having a happy marriage" was desired more for daughters, stressing the homemaking role of the woman (girl) and possibly her vulnerability and subordinate status.

Although education was desired for both sons and daughters, to "be successful" and to "make something of themselves," education was desired much more for sons than for daughters. Thus, education for daughters may be socially desirable or may have some prestige value, but it is not necessarily seen as a route towards professional achievement. These findings, together with those described above, show that parents' aspirations for girls do not imply drastic changes in traditional gender roles.

More Recent Evidence

The VOC Study was conducted two decades ago. What is the state of affairs regarding orientations to gender roles today? Even though cultural values do not change easily, it is important, nevertheless, to consider the current situation based on recent evidence. Six demographic surveys have been conducted in Turkey with nationally representative samples. The last one, carried out in 1993, provides important information regarding gender ideology. Table 4, taken from Ergöçmen,¹⁵ gives the relevant findings.

Note: An asterisk indicates that a figure is based on fewer than 25 cases and has been suppressed.
Source: Ergöçen BA. Women's status and fertility in Turkey. In: Fertility trends, women's status, and reproductive expectations in Turkey. Calverton, Maryland: Macro International, 1997 (pp. 79-104).

A question inquiring about decision-making in taking a sick child to the doctor provides evidence of male dominance with only one in four women participating in this decision-making. Younger and older women, those lacking education and social security, are especially powerless, as well as those dwelling in villages and in the least developed areas.

Women's views about gender attributes are also important in showing gender orientations. Table 4 provides women's responses to the following statements:

• "Men are usually more intelligent than women."
• "A man can beat up his wife if she disobeys him."
• "A woman should not argue with her husband if she does not agree with him."

It is seen that about half the women regard themselves as inferior to men. It is noteworthy that young women do not distinguish themselves as much more modern than older women.

Education and work with social security make a substantial difference in world views. The latter is due mainly to the fact that work with social security is of a higher prestige level and requires education, thus this is a social class matter. Women who work without social security are rural agricultural laborers or unskilled or marginal workers who have to work to survive. They have less intrafamily status and fare less well than non-working women. Thus, it is not employment per se, but the type of employment that makes a difference for women's status and world view.^7,8

Gender ideology is persistent. It both reflects the existing gender inequalities and also influences gender-based behaviors, which, in turn, help sustain gender ideology. It is this vicious circle which perpetuates gender issues. Of particular importance in this picture are the perceptions and values of women, since their orientations have an impact on how they rear and socialize their children. Also, as long as women accept the "natural" superiority of men, as evidenced in recent findings described above, they would not resist patriarchal views and behaviors which put the girl child at a disadvantage.

Indeed, the implications of persistent traditional gender ideology are very serious for the plight of the girl child. Current education statistics on net school attendance rates in Turkey show that only 41% of the girls are in secondary education, which is not compulsory. Thus, the prevailing patriarchal ideology deprives girls of schooling when it is not made compulsory. The current initiative to increase compulsory schooling to eight years, therefore, is of crucial significance for the girl child. Obviously, it is important for all children, since the net school attendance rates for boys in secondary education are not high either (62%).

Furthermore, more girls are sent to Koranic schools than boys (63%, compared with 37% for boys). In other words, girls who are denied basic education are given religious education which further reinforces the traditional patriarchal ideology. As women are "culture multipliers," this has very significant negative implications for modernization of gender roles in society.

In conclusion, it may be proposed that the values attributed to children provide us with some clues to a better understanding of some important human phenomena and the changes in these. The VOCs are influenced by the objective socioeconomic conditions and, in turn, influence child bearing and child rearing. It is indeed the perceptions, motivations, and values that people have which bears upon their behavior. Furthermore, VOCs are gendered in the sense that different values are attributed to boys and girls. Such gender-related world views have an impact on how children are socialized, which, in turn, helps perpetuate these world views. Concerted efforts have to be expended to break this vicious circle and promote more egalitarian and humanistic values and gender ideology.

References

1. Bulatao RA. Further evidence of the transition in the value of children. Papers of the East-West Population Institute, No. 60-B. Honolulu: East-West Center, 1979.

2. Bulatao RA. On the nature of the transition in the value of children. Papers of the East-West Population Institute, No. 60-A. Honolulu: East-West Center, 1979.

3. Darroch RK, Meyer PA, Singarimbun M. Two are not enough: The value of children to Javanese and Sudanese parents. Honolulu: East-West Population Institute, No. 60-D, 1981.

4. Fawcett JT. Perception of the value of children: Satisfactions and costs. In: Bulatao R, Lee RD, Hollerbach PE, et al., editors. Determinants of fertility in developing countries (Volume 1). Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1972.

5. Hoffman LW. The value of children to parents and childrearing patterns. In: Kagitcibasi C, editor. Growth and progress in cross-cultural psychology. Lisse: Swets & Zeitlinger, 1987 (pp. 159-70).

6. Hoffman LW. Cross-cultural differences in childrearing goals. New Directions for Child Development 1988; 40: 99-122.

7. Kagitcibasi C. The changing value of children in Turkey. Publication No. 60-E. Honolulu: East-West Center, 1982.

8. Kagitcibasi C. Old-age security value of children and socio-economic development: Cross-national evidence. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 1982; 13(1): 29-42.

9. Kagitcibasi C., editor. Sex roles, family and community in Turkey. Indiana University Press, Turkish Studies Series, 1982.

10. Kagitcibasi C. Family and human development across cultures: A view from the other side. Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1996.

11. Palmore JA, Conception MB. Desired family size and contraceptive use. Paper presented at the World Fertility Survey Conference, 1980, London.

12. Kagitcibasi C. Family and socialization in cross-cultural perspective: A model of change. In: Berman J, editor. Cross-cultural perspectives: Nebraska symposium on motivation. Lincoln, Nebraska: Nebraska University Press, 1990 (pp. 135-200).

13. Olson-Prather EA. An alternative model of the family in Turkey. Chapter 6 in Family planning and husband-wife relationships in contemporary Turkey. Ph.D. Thesis. Los Angeles, California: University of California, 1976.

14. Coombs CH, Coombs LC, McClelland GH. Preference scales for number and sex of children. Population studies 1975; 29(2): 273-98.

15. Ergöçen BA. Women's status and fertility in Turkey. In: Fertility trends, women's status, and reproductive expectations in Turkey. Calverton, Maryland: Macro International, 1997 (pp. 79-104).

Bibliography

Human Development Report. Ankara, Turkey: UNDP, 1996.

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